     期刊简介  本期编委 【编译】郭新靓、徐一君、丁昊、阮含含、赵婧如、朱文菡 【审校】杨帆、兰星辰、丁伟航、李雯珲、唐一鸣、缪高意、晋玉、梁坤、郭新靓 【排版】秦子宁  本期目录 兴趣是必要的吗？个人健康对英国政治兴趣稳定的影响 【题目】Interest through necessity? The impact of personal health on the stability of political interest in the United Kingdom 【作者】Mikko Mattila（赫尔辛基大学）；Achillefs Papageorgiou（赫尔辛基大学）；Lauri Rapeli（语图尔库大学） 【摘要】对政治的兴趣是衡量公民政治态度的一个重要指标。政治兴趣是一种形成于青少年时的稳定特征还是会在人生的不同阶段发生变化，学者们意见不一。作者认为，个人健康状况的恶化会影响公民政治兴趣的稳定性，因为在健康状况恶化的时候，人们通常会更加依赖公共医疗资源，进而更加关注现实政治。进一步地，作者认为健康水平对政治兴趣的影响与收入相关，因为低收入人群会更加以来公共医疗。作者的检验结果为第一个假设只提供了有限支持。但是，作者的研究结果显示，低收入群体中，健康水平与政治兴趣呈负相关。这一研究结果与生命周期理论一致，该理论认为，重大事件甚至会对最根深蒂固的政治兴趣产生影响。不断恶化的个人健康可能成为提高人们政治兴趣的重要动力来源。 Interest in politics is a key indicator of citizens’ attitudes towards politics. Scholars disagree whether interest is a stable trait developed during adolescence, or if it changes over the life course. We hypothesise that deteriorating health can destabilise the stable sense of political interest because worsening health makes individuals more dependent on public healthcare and increase their attention to politics. Furthermore, we assume that the impact of health on interest is conditional on income as people with low incomes are dependent on public healthcare. Our results show only limited support for the first hypothesis. However, we found a negative relationship between declining health and increasing interest in the lowest income group. The results are consistent with the life-cycle theory, which presumes that important events in life have consequences even for the most endurable political attitudes. Deteriorating personal health can be a source of motivation to make persons more interested in politics. 【编译】郭新靓 【校对】李雯珲 【审核】丁伟航 在推特架构英国脱欧：欧盟27个成员国在信息领域的一课？ 【题目】Framing #Brexit on Twitter: The EU 27’s lesson in message discipline? 【作者】Maja Šimunjak（英国伦敦米德尔塞克斯大学）；Alessandro Caliandro （意大利帕维亚大学） 【摘要】这项研究通过对英国脱欧谈判期间位于英国的欧盟27国外交机构的推特操作进行多方法检验，研究了欧盟27个成员国在政治领域最受欢迎的社交媒体– 推特上就脱欧问题进行交流的方式和原因。研究表明，欧盟27国在推特上保持了脱欧主题的信息一致性，支持了欧盟的谈判立场，展现了内部凝聚力，并有可能为欧盟在脱欧谈判中的有效性做出贡献。本文还表明，在推特上架构英国脱欧是有意的和富有战略性的，但在某些框架的推广背后存在一系列不同的动机。最后，外交人员将推特视为帮助实现以建立关系为目的的公共外交的工具，而非用于倡导某一主张和影响有争议性的英国脱欧问题解读的工具。 This study examines the ways in which and reasons why the remaining Member States of the European Union, the EU 27, communicated about Brexit on the most popular social media in politics – Twitter, by drawing on a multi method examination of UK-based EU 27 diplomatic entities’ Twitter practices during the process of Brexit negotiations. The findings suggest that the EU 27 maintained message consistency on the topic of Brexit on Twitter, supporting the EU’s negotiating position, demonstrating internal cohesiveness and potentially contributing to the EU’s effectiveness in the Brexit negotiations. Our study also reveals that the framing of Brexit on Twitter was deliberate and strategic, but with a range of different motivations behind the promotion of certain frames. Finally, Twitter is seen by diplomats as a tool conducive to meeting public diplomacy’s aim of relationship-building, but not one to be used for advocacy and influencing interpretation of controversial Brexit issues. 【编译】徐一君 【校对】唐一鸣 【审核】杨帆 向内探查：中国公共外交的国内影响 【题目】Looking inward: How does Chinese public diplomacy work at home? 【作者】杨一帆（华东师范大学） 【摘要】公共外交尽管并不针对国内受众，但依然会产生一定的国内影响。根据观察，虽然中国在公共外交领域进行了相当大的投资，但其国际形象却并没有得到相应的提升。然而，中国的公共外交并不仅仅起着讲述中国故事、向世界传达中国声音的作用，其更承担着在国内和国际两方面提升国家合法性的职能。本文借助中美两国主流媒体对中国政府两项公共外交项目（孔子学院和国家形象宣传片）的报道，探究这些项目如何影响中国民众对中国和中国政府的感知，以及其如何强化执政党的合法性。这对衡量中国公共外交的有效性具有重要意义。 Although public diplomacy is not intended for domestic consumption, it can still have an internal impact. It has been observed that China’s huge investment in public diplomacy has not resulted in a proportionate increase in its international image. However, Chinese public diplomacy not only tells China’s story and communicates its voice to the world, but also shoulders the responsibility of accruing legitimacy for the country, both internationally and domestically. By looking at the news reports on the Confucius Institutes and China’s National Image Film – two public diplomacy programmes implemented by the Chinese government – in the mainstream media in both the United States and China, this paper will assess how these influence domestic perceptions of China and the Chinese government, and help enhance the legitimacy of the ruling party. This is important in evaluating the effectiveness of Chinese public diplomacy. 【编译】丁昊 【校对】丁伟航 【审核】梁坤 选举公正性——赢者通吃?三次英国大选的证据 【题目】Electoral integrity – The winner takes it all? Evidence from three British general elections 【作者】Justin Fisher（布鲁内尔大学）；Yohanna Sällberg（布鲁内尔大学） 【摘要】关于选举公正性（electoral integrity）的研究通常关注选举评估者(专家调查)、选举消费者(选举人)，偶尔也关注选举生产者(选举行政人员)。本文使用在2010年、2015年和2017年英国大选中收集到的新数据集，研究了先前未经研究的一组选举用户——候选人的选举代理人——对选举公正性的评价。本文采用正面和负面的选举公正性衡量方法，对选举代理人评价的解释进行建模，并将重点放在区域或选区的代理人性格特征、地理和选举状况。研究显示，对选举公正性的评价差异很大，并突出表明，选举公正性的问题更多是局部性的，而不是广泛存在。而且，尽管赢家/输家效应具有重大影响，但选举公正性问题与选区的城市特征密切相关。本文为有关选举公正性的文献研究做出了重大贡献。 Studies of electoral integrity typically focus on electoral evaluators (expert surveys), electoral consumers (electors) and, occasionally, electoral producers (electoral administrators). Using a unique new data set collected at the British general elections of 2010, 2015 and 2017, this article examines evaluations of electoral integrity among a previously unresearched group of electoral users – the election agents of candidates standing for election. Using measures of both negative and positive electoral integrity, the article models explanations of users’ evaluations, focusing on the agent characteristics, geography and electoral status of the district or constituency. It shows that evaluations of electoral integrity vary significantly and highlights both that questions of electoral integrity are more localised than widespread, and that despite the significant impact of winner/loser effects, issues of electoral integrity are strongly related to the urban characteristics of an electoral district. In so doing, it makes a significant contribution to the literature on electoral integrity. 【编译】阮含含 【审核】杨帆 【校对】兰星辰 为何民主健康需要政治接触？ 【题目】One moment, please: Can the speed and quality of political contact affect democratic health? 【作者】Nikki Soo（英国卡迪夫大学）；Dr James Weinberg（英国谢菲尔德大学）；Katharine Dommett（英国谢菲尔德大学） 【摘要】 政客和选民之间的接触是全世界民主政体的基石，然而同时也是一块相对缺乏研究的学术领域。政治接触有助于传递权威、建构合法性并促进治理。传统的看法认为政治代表们需要更多地与公众沟通，而本篇文章超越了这一点，强调政治代表与公众沟通质量的重要性。聚焦公民接触代表的四种途径（面对面、信件、邮件或社交媒体接触），作者应用场景实验法来检测政客们回应的性质和及时性是否会影响衡量民主体制健康程度的两个重要指标：a）公民对政治接触的满意程度；b）公民再次接触代表的可能性。研究证明，个性化的沟通会影响到公民满意程度和再次接触代表的可能性，同时代表的回应速度也是一个影响程度相对小的因素。这意味着政客可以通过调整政治接触和政治沟通的方式来提升民主体制的健康程度。 Contact between politicians and their constituents is the cornerstone of democracies globally but an area of scholarship that remains relatively underdeveloped. Political contact can help convey authority, provide legitimacy and facilitate governance. This article goes beyond the assumption that representatives need to communicate more with the public and suggests, instead, that the quality of contact matters. Focusing on four processes by which citizens can contact their representatives (face-to-face, by letter, email or social media), we employ an experimental vignette methodology to test whether the character and timeliness of politicians’ responses to citizen communication affects two indicators of democratic health: (a) the latter’s satisfaction with political contact and (b) their likelihood to re-contact representatives. Our findings provide evidence that personalised communication and to a smaller extent, speed of response, can influence citizen satisfaction and their likelihood of re-engagement. This suggests politicians can improve these indicators of democratic health by adjusting the style of political contact and communication. 【编译】赵婧如 【校对】缪高意 【审核】晋玉 地方性政党为什么能在印度的次国家层面取得成功？ 【题目】Why regional parties succeed at the sub-national level in India? 【作者】Dishil Shrimankar （伦敦大学皇家霍洛威学院） 【摘要】现有的比较政治学研究在解释地方性政党的发展时，要么关注地方主义，要么关注政治与经济的去中心化。本文基于印度的定量证据，提出了一个迄今被忽视的解释，即全国性政党地方分支的自治水平，也对地方性政党的发展有显著影响。当全国性政党的地方分支拥有自治权时，地方性政党很难发展壮大。相反，当全国性政党的地方分支难以实现自治时，地方性政党将在选举中受益。为了进一步解释地方性政党发展和全国性政党地方分支自治水平之间的内生性，本文使用定量和定性证据表明，地方性政党的发展与全国性政党地方分支更高的自治水平之间并非正相关。 Existing scholarship in comparative politics has either focused on regionalism or on political and economic decentralisation to explain the growth of regional parties. Using quantitative evidence from India, I show that a hitherto ignored explanation, the level of regional branch autonomy within polity-wide parties, also has a significant impact on the growth of regional parties. When regional branches of polity-wide parties have autonomy, regional parties find it difficult to grow. In contrast, regional parties benefit electorally when regional branches of polity-wide parties are less autonomous. To further account for endogeneity between regional party growth and regional branch autonomy, I use quantitative and qualitative evidence to show that the growth of regional parties is not positively correlated with more regional branch autonomy. Keywords: federalism, India, party organisation, political parties, regional party system, sub-national comparative method. 【编译】朱文菡 【校对】郭新靓 【审核】杨帆 添加“国小政”微信 获取最新资讯  |
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