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​陈恩维 | 郭實獵(1803–1851)與西方傳記文體進入近代中國

 李伟荣 2022-10-02 发布于美国

本文原刊Sino-Christian Studies,2022年第3期第7-32页。

已获作者授权在此转载,特此致谢!

Karl F. A. Gützlaff (1803–1851) and Western Biographies Entering Modern China

郭實獵(1803–1851)與西方傳記文體進入近代中國

陈恩维

广东外语外贸大学

About the author: Chen Enwei, Ph.D. is currently the director of the International Sinology Research Center of the Guangdong University of Foreign Studies.He has published 5 books and more than 100 papers in various publications.

摘  要 

一八三O年代,為了傳播福音和介紹西方文化,來華普魯士新教傳教士郭實獵 (1803-1851) 撰寫了大量中文傳記,其主要類型有三種:一是基督教人物傳記,共計十二種,以著作形式單獨發行。二是西方人物史傳,主要存在於《萬國史傳》、《古今萬國綱鑒》兩部歷史著作和《東西洋考每月統記傳》「史記」(「史」)欄目中。三是現代傳記,刊載於《東西洋考每月統記傳》「姓譜」欄目。然而,由於史料、視野、學科等限制,國內外學術界對郭實獵所撰中文傳記研究極少,更少人分析其文體類型和文體價值。本文在對郭實獵傳記作品進行文體分類的基礎上,追蹤其發展歷程,分析其藝術特徵,在近代語境中評估其文體影響和歷史地位。文章認為,郭實獵所撰基督教人物傳記,脫胎於聖經,取法乎聖徒傳記,將敘事作為基本表達方式。其所撰人物史傳,不僅遵循了西方將傳記融於歷史之中的傳統,而且吸收了中國古代傳記的文體特點和藝術技巧,兼具古今中外史記之美。而其報載單篇政治人物傳記,將傳記從史傳中獨立出來,完整生動記敘人物生平,為中文世界引入了以人物為中心的現代傳記。郭實獵所撰中文傳記雖然在藝術上還比較粗糙,一時也難以為當時人所理解和接受,但他扮演了將西方傳記引入中國的先鋒角色,嘗試融合中西方傳記各自的優勢,將東西方的傳記的文體規範和藝術技巧鏈接起來,從而逐漸促進了中、西傳記文學的交流和互動,一定程度上引發了近代中國傳記文體融合中西傳記之長的現代轉型。

Karl F. A. Gützlaff 郭實獵

As one of the most controversial missionary entrepreneur to China of the 19th century, Karl Friedrich August Gützlaff (1803–1851)[1] authored 61 works in Chinese, including 12[2] biographies of biblical figures. In addition, his historical works and his magazine Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan东西洋考每月统记传 [Eastern Western Monthly Magazine] contained a large number of biographies.[3] However, despite their wide circulation at that time, the numerous biographies mentioned above have not been carefully researched until the present.[4]

In this paper, I shall introduce the stylistic form of the biographies Gützlaff wrote, trace the course of their development, analyze their artistic characteristics, and discuss the effect they have had on the biography genre in modern China.

I. Biblical Biographies:Narrative Became the Most Acceptable Shape

Gützlaff wrote 12 Christian scriptural tracts that were independently published in Chinese, known as biblical biographies. They include Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan救世主耶稣基督行论之要略传 [History of Jesus Christ] (1834), Jiushizhu yanxing quan zhuan 救世主言行全传 [Life of Christ] (1836), Yesu shen ji zhi zhuan 耶稣神迹之传 [Miracles of Jesus] (1836), Yesu jiangshi zhi zhuan耶稣降世之传 [Nativity of Christ] (1836), Moxi yanxing quan zhuan摩西言行全传 [Life of Moses] (1836), Danyeli yanxing quan zhuan但耶利言行全传 [History of Daniel] (1837), Baoluo yanxing lu 保罗言行录 [Life of Paul] (1837), Yuehan yanxing lu 约翰言行录 [Life of John] (1837), Yuesefu yanxing lu 约色弗言行录 [Life of Joseph] (1838), Bideluo yanxing quan zhuan彼得罗言行全传 [Life of Peter] (1838), Shengshu liezu quan zhuan 圣书列祖全传 [Bible Patriarchs] (1838), and Jiushi yesu shou si quan zhuan 救世耶稣受死全传 [Narrative of the Death of Jesus the Savior] (1843). On December 20, 1834, Gützlaff said in a letter:

I propose to you for the new year, if God grants grace and health, the following new tracts—The Conscientious Christians; The Doctrine of Grace, according to the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians; A Parallel between the Doctrine of the Bible and Those of the Chinese Classics; the Savior’s Call to the Chinese; the Celestial of Citizenship, or the Privilege of the Gospel. The largest will not exceed seventy pages, and the smallest will [be] at least twenty.[5]

This quote indicates that Gützlaff’s 12 tracts constitute a complete plan to spread the gospel.

In these biographies, Gützlaff went through a process of stylistic exploration. The source material for his biographies stemmed from the Bible, which is regarded as “source biography.”[6] The Bible retains the source material of the biblical figures, the testimony of the biographer, and discourses closely related to the subject, so it possesses some of the characteristics of biography. Most of the source biographies in the Bible are scattered across many scriptures, such as the life of Jesus, which was recorded in the four Gospels of the New Testament. However, the primary purpose of the Bible is not to describe characters but to spread the word of God. The details of the figures in the Bible are often hidden in theological interpretations. For Chinese readers, it is easier to learn about the lives of biblical figures than to understand the religious doctrines in the Bible. In a letter to the mission, Gützlaff regarded the biographies of holy men as a form of religious propaganda and considered them as important as the scriptural tracts, highlighting “scriptural tracts, which either contain parallel passages upon the same doctrine, with or without remarks; or the biography of the holy men of God. Of this description are most treatises now in the course of publication at Singapore. They are, in my opinion, the most important books, being derived from the source of eternal truth.”[7] For this reason, Gützlaff wrote a large number of biographies of holy men.

In 1834, Gützlaff wrote his first Chinese biography of biblical figures, entitled Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan. According to its preface, the book is based on the records of the four Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The text introduced life stories of Jesus with remarks in order to help readers understand the truth of salvation. Its writing style consists of a combination of narration and argument. In the first volume, there are five parts: 1) “Tian qi” 天启 [“Apocalypse”], emphasizing the sacredness of the Bible and describing the deeds of Jesus Christ; 2) “Yesu zhi minghao” 耶稣之名号 [“The Name of Jesus”], explaining that Jesus Christ was not just the sage of Westerners but the Lord of the universe; 3) “Yesu lidai zhi zu” 耶稣历代之祖 [“The Ancestors of Jesus”], tracing the family history of Jesus; 4) “Ru da zhi guo zonglun”如大之国总论 [“General Remarks on the Jewish Land”], introducing the geographical history of the birthplace of Jesus; and 5) “Yesu zhi shiji”耶稣之史记 [“Historical Records of Jesus”], reiterating the story of Jesus as seen in the four Gospels.[8] As a missionary, Gützlaff sought to stick to the meaning of the original text of the Bible in order to spread the teachings of Christianity faithfully and completely. He also strove to explain the religious meaning of Jesus’s speech and actions to provide direct teaching, persuasion, and enlightenment. However, too much discourse and too many notes on the story may affect the reader’s grasp of the whole life of the protagonist in the biography.

In 1836, Gützlaff wrote four biographies. Among them, Yesu jiangshi zhi zhuan and Yesu shenji zhi zhuan were directly derived from Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan and could even be regarded as its upgraded versions. The two books differed from the original in terms of style, in that they were combinations of biographical narratives and explanatory remarks. The introduction and the “Final Statement” which assume the function of an argument, explain the theological significance of the biography, while the body paragraphs serve to narrate Jesus’s life and deeds.

Compared with Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan, Yesu jiangshi zhi zhuan is a narrative of the birth and early life of our Lord and the return of his parents to Nazareth after the death of Herod, in eleven sections, entirely in the words of Scripture. It concludes with an exhortation to repentance and faith. Obviously, this mainly describes Jesus’s life without many comments or explanations.

Yesu shenji zhi zhuan distinguishes between narratives and remarks more effectively. This book contains a record of the various miracles performed by our Lord in short paragraphs, mostly in words from Scripture. The text contains seven articles. The introduction of the book lists all its thesis statements, and the last part of the book explains the reading method. The body paragraphs of the text present the miracles of Jesus as simple narratives with few remarks. This structure allows the reader to clearly understand the life story of Jesus and to fully comprehend the truth and meaning conveyed by his deeds.

Such a writing strategy was also adopted for Jiushizhu yanxing quan zhuan and Moxi yan xing quan zhuan. Jiushizhu yanxing quan zhuan, which was divided into 11 books, contains a detailed account of the life, words, and actions of our Lord in 64 sections, commencing with his genealogy and ending with an account of the preaching of the apostles; the text was “written in the style of historical narrative.”[9] In a short introductory preface of Moxi yanxing quan zhuan, Gützlaff noted, “I give a detailed account of Moses’s life from the Bible. Smart readers can understand the story of Moses and the knowledge of the Holy Book.”[10] As this statement reveals, Gützlaff aimed to help readers understand both Moses’s life story and the teachings of the Bible. Moreover, it also indicates his ongoing exploration of how to properly deal with the relationship between biographical narratives and the remarks of the biographical protagonist.

In 1837, Gützlaff wrote three biographies: Danyeli yanxing quan zhuan, Baoluo yan xing lu, and Yuehan yan xing lu,in which Gützlaff adopted a new designation—Shan De Zhe 善德者 [Admirer of Virtue]. In 1838, he wrote Yuesefu yanxing lu, Bideluo yanxing quan zhuan, and Shengshu liezu quan zhuan. In these works, the main text tells life stories of the protagonist; the notes, which were printed in smaller characters, interpret the theological implications of those stories. This arrangement actually combines the practices of Western hermeneutics and classical Chinese annotation. For example, in Danyeli yanxing quan zhuan, the main text was based on Daniel’s words and deeds in Daniel, whereas in the notes, readers can find explanations of the words in the text and interpretations of the principles. The method effectively tells the story of the saints and helps readers understand the meaning of the text. Besides, Gützlaff’s remarks do not entirely explain the doctrine but constitute a combination of commentary and literary criticism. For example, one note in Volume 1 of Shengshu liezu quan zhuan reads as follows: “We can know that the protagonist is impartial through his biography.” In Volume 4, the commentary on the biography of Jacob states, “View the story of Jebel, knowing that God is merciful.”[11] The remarks above, which include religious and literary criticism, undoubtedly benefit the readers’ theological understanding and enhance their literary understanding of the biography.

If the Bible is a kind of “source biography” providing writing materials, then medieval hagiography is the stylistic paradigm for Gützlaff’s biblical biography. In China Opened, Gützlaff stated, “Many Roman Catholic missionaries wrote Chinese with great facilities and elegance. Some of their works are remarkable for their classical beauty and depth of sentiment. They have translations of the lives of saints, scholastical theology, catechism, &c.”[12] At the end of the Ming Dynasty, Catholic missionaries introduced hagiography to China, which was a popular form of biography at the time and one of the mainstream literary forms in medieval Europe. Compared with the biographies in the Bible, hagiographies contained stronger religious intent, and their protagonists were completely moralized. In this aspect, they had long been despised by historians and writers since the Renaissance. However, with their clear writing purposes, hagiographies followed tradition and showed a high degree of standardization, forming a description of the lives and merits (or miracles) and martyrdom of the saints. It was easy for missionaries to learn and imitate the basic stylistic structure of hagiographies. Therefore, Gützlaff chose this form in his early biography writings, of which Baoluo yanxing lu is a successful example.

Baoluo yanxing lu, published in 1837, addresses the leading incidents of the great apostle's career, in a series of 29 sections, commencing with the birth and education of Paul, embracing his labors and adventures, and concluding with a notice of his most prominent characteristics. On one hand, this work demonstrates the advantages of biblical biography in terms of narratives; on the other hand, it expands on the tradition of hagiography in shaping the image of the protagonist. The basic story of Paul’s life is preserved in the Acts of the Apostles, while Paul’s theology is communicated in his letters in the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians. Gützlaff weaved the letters into Paul’s life story and portrayed an apostle exhibiting piety, perseverance, fraternity, and fearlessness.

In relation to expression, Baoluo yanxing lu combines narratives and remarks, but narratives constitute the main form of expression. In Chapter 1, “Baoluo tong hui zui” 保罗痛悔罪 [“Paul’s Remorse”], Gützlaff narrated the life story of Paul and remarked at the end of the chapter, “Paul, who had been an enemy of Jesus, became a good man after the Holy Spirit touched his heart and made him repent to God.” In Chapter 7, the contents of Paul’s letter to the Romans were rewritten in the context of “Baoluo xun bang xieshu” 保罗巡邦写书 [“The Writing of Paul after His Escape to Rome”], to offer a narrative background for the dialogue to avoid simple preaching.[13] This process ensured the narratives would become the primary expression and enhance the literariness of the biography while weakening the didactic color to some extent. This suggests that Gützlaff realized, through stylistic exploration, that the basic expression of biography is narrative. He pointed out that “narrative is the most acceptable shape of the book to the generality of the reader. Such is the great part of the divine volume dictated by unerring wisdom, and such the great part of our writings ought to be.”[14]

In order to help his Chinese readers better understand the above biographical works, Gützlaff explored various aspects of indigenization. He noted,

Though we are not all called to become authors, yet those who possess a talent for writing, and humbly wait at the foot of the Cross, will be taught by their heavenly Master, and by unwearied application be enabled to convey the divine word into this mechanical language.[15]

Therefore, his biographical works, similar to Chinese works, were in the form of Chinese-style straight typesetting and made full use of "subtexts," such as cover, title, preface, small quotes, notes, and so forth to tell readers about his intent. Because of adopting some indigenous methods and adhering to narrative as the main expression, the theological doctrine was simplified, and the protagonist' image became more distinct in Gützlaff's biblical biographies. However, Chinese readers were accustomed to the traditional method of combining narratives with remarks, a typical tradition established in Shiji. Accordingly, Gützlaff began to try to find an appropriate biographical genre.

II. Historical Biographies: Clothing the Ideas in Chinese Style

Unlike biblical biographies, historical biographies are biographies of real secular historical protagonists. Gützlaff’s historical biographies are mainly preserved in Wanguo shizhuan万国史传 [The General History] (not dated), Gujin wanguo gangjian古今万国纲鉴 [Universal History] (1838), and the historical columns of Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan. The common feature of these biographies is that they form part of history, and their protagonists are great historical figures. In the preface to Wanguo shizhuan, Gützlaff argued that history consists of great men and that their historical achievements could be observed from their lifetime deeds,[16] which is probably the reason that he wrote so many biographies of great people.

Both in the East and the West, the stylistic forms of history and biography have always been combined from the time when biography originated to the early 19th century. Tacitus’s Agricola (98 AD), for instance, recounts the life of the author’s father-in-law but also concerns the history of early Britain. Additionally, Plutarch (46–120AD), an early Greek historian and ethicist of the early Roman Empire, wrote his Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans, in which he moderately used literary fiction while faithfully recording the lives of historical figures, and his works established a very subtle mixture of character sketches and chronological narration. For this reason, Plutarch is also known as the originator of Western biographical literature.

Gützlaff was familiar with the Western tradition of historiographies and biographies. He once introduced Western academic and cultural traditions dating back to Ancient Greece and Rome in which the great Western scholars from Ancient Greece and Rome, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance, such as Herodotus, Livy, and Tacitus, were mentioned.[17] Although Gützlaff did not mention Plutarch here, his Gujin wanguo gangjian was partly drawn from Plutarch’s Lives of the Noble Greeks and Romans. In Volume 4 of Gujin wanguo gangjian, the history of Athens is based on Plutarch’s biography recounting Solon’s contributions to political reform, including abolishing debts, dividing people into four classes, and setting up a judicial system.[18] In addition, Gujin wanguo gangjian took a moderately fictional approach. Volume 6 emphasizes Gnaeus Pompey’s greed for fame and status and highlights Caesar’s characteristics as a hero in order to accentuate the differences in personality and temperament between Caesar and Gnaeus Pompey.[19]

In his historical biographies, Gützlaff also critically adopted the style and artistic methods of Chinese history books. He discussed, in detail, the style of history books, such as Shu Jing [Book of Documents], Chunqiu [Spring and Autumn Annals], Shiji [Records of the Grand Historian], Han Shu [Book of Han], Zizhi Tongjian [Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance], and Yih-she绎史. For example, he introduced Benji [Basic Annals], Ba shu [Eight Treatises], Ten biao [Tables] devoted to chronology, Shijia [Hereditary Houses], and biographies of celebrated people within Sima Qian’s Shiji. He also pointed out the shortcomings of Chinese history books, such as their inaccuracy, lack of details, didacticism, and simplicity.[20]

Based on the understanding above, Gützlaff’s historical biography underwent a process of learning and adjusting to Chinese literature and historical biography. For example, in Volume 1 of Wanguo shizhuan, Gützlaff briefly described David’s killing of enemies in his childhood.[21] However, he added details to the same story in Gujin wanguo gangjian.[22] Many vivid details, dialogue, and psychological descriptions were added in “Saoluo wang jinian” 扫罗王纪年[“the life of King Solo”] in Dongxi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan. In this same story, Gützlaff deliberately highlighted the invincibility of the enemy warriors in a dramatic way and described Saul’s doubt, David’s calm response, and the enemy’s pride and contempt. Apparently, Gützlaff learned the methods of characterization and narrative techniques commonly used in Shiji to refine his Chinese biographies. In addition, he enriched his remarks by quoting Chinese classics. In “Da pi wang jinian” 大辟王纪年[“the life of King David”], Gützlaff imitated “Zhi le”至乐 [“the Greatest Happiness"] in Zhuangzi to express King David’s grief over Saul’s death. Furthermore, he quoted Mencius to explain how King David was chosen and tested by God.[23] When David King seduced Uriah’s wife, Gützlaff’s employed remarks from “Xiangyu Benji” in Shiji. In the last paragraph, Gützlaff made a general comment on the life of David King just as Sima Qian always did in Shiji.

Gützlaff’s historical biographies also widely absorbed the literary features of various works in the Chinese classics to make the style of the works conform to the aesthetic taste of the Chinese. He had published a long English paper and made a special introduction to Yih-she 绎史,“It contains famous politicians and saints’ quotes. When a Chinese person is reading, his chest is filled with noble enthusiasm. . . . Other countries can at least appreciate the treasures of Chinese literature.”[24] Furthermore, in Gujin wanguo gangjian, Gützlaff often directly quoted and rewrote the literature of the sub-collection of Yih-she. He often implanted classic discourses and moral preaching into the mouths of Western historical figures while looking for some Chinese books and documents as samples to imitate. For example, he quoted the poems and the description of the battle in Three Kingdoms 三国演义when introducing the Trojan War in Volume 3 of Gujin wanguo gangjian.[25] He admitted, "In style, we ought to conform entirely to the Chinese tastes; for otherwise, if we reject this single rule, by displaying a superior knowledge of the art of the writing, we shall not benefit our readers by our lucubration."[26]

To sum up, Gützlaff’s historical biographies aimed to “cloth our ideas in a genuine Chinese style,”[27] not only promoting Chinese to learn more about Western characters but also challenging their culture prejudices at that time.

III. Modern Biographies: Character-centered Life Writing and Independence from History

In October 1837, Dongxi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan established a column called “Sing Poo” 姓谱 (sometimes called “Poo Sing” 谱姓), which obviously differed from the historical records column. The historical records column ran historical articles derived from the Bible and other history books. The “Sing Poo” column, by contrast, published biographies of contemporary eminent figures, such as Napoleon, George Washington, Queen Mary, and others. Gützlaff was most likely influenced by an article on Chinese biography in Chinese Repository in 1832.

In the larger histories of China, biographical notices of eminent persons are introduced, but they are, generally, skeletons. In a great deal of Chinese history, there is nothing but bone—no flesh and skin to fill up and beautify the body. The name of a person, when he was born, where he lived, what offices he held, and when he died constitute a biography, and these facts are told, generally, in a stiff, dry style or an ill-connected patch-work done by some copyist hired to make quotations at so many taels per month. The large biographical work called Sing Poo was compiled on the singular principle of excluding all bad men. The author accordingly left out Tsaou Tsaou—the Napoleon of his age and his country.[28]

Obviously, Gützlaff absorbed the opinions of this article. He identified the difference between biography and history but could not find a suitable Chinese translation of the term “biography.” Therefore, he borrowed the new term "Sing Poo,” which Morrison took from ancient Chinese books to refer to “a biography of eminent men and women.”[29] Gützlaff argued that the primary purpose of history was to record facts in a fair, faithful, and accurate manner, and that “the literature is rich in memoirs and biographies, some of which are exceedingly interesting, and throw greater light on history than the ponderous volumes of professed historians.”[30] Biography was seen as a kind of independent genre, which emerged in the 18th century in Europe but then stagnated in the early 19th century when more people turned to the more familiar hagiographic method of honoring the dead. It was not until the middle of the 19th century—with the expansion of public reading and the rapid increase in the number of biographies published—that the paperback editions of popular biographies were published for the first time, and a series of short biographies began to be published in journals. That was when the modern biographical genre finally became independent from history.[31] Judging from the Chinese context, Gützlaff was undoubtedly the first person to separate biography from history.

Gützlaff’s evolving awareness of the independence of biography from history inevitably led to changes in content and artistic techniques in his biographies. The stories of Henry IV and others are also recorded in Gujin wanguo gangjian, but the contents obviously differ from those in Dongxi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan. For example,in Volume 15 of Gujin wanguo gangjian, the biography of Henry IV of France mainly emphasizes his governing ability and his role in major historical events but pays little attention to the trivial matters of his individual life. However, “Xian li hao di si” 显理号第四 [“Life of Henry IV”], published in Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan, provides a full account of his life and more detailed descriptions of his life stories. The book recounts that the Catholics invited Henry IV to marry the French princess in Paris but started a riot shortly after the wedding ceremony, and Henry IV hid under a bed to avoid being killed. Seduced by the queen of France, he indulged in debauchery. About four years later, he managed to escape from the French court and continued to lead the battle between the Protestants and Catholics, developing strength in a difficult situation. Later, he killed the king of France and took his place. In order to stabilize the country, he converted to Catholicism and, with the help of good ministers, he strictly enforced the law and ruled France for 14 years. He was later assassinated by the Catholics, and the people mourned him like they would a father.[32] When a biographical work is regarded as part of history, it only focuses on specific events of historical importance in the protagonist's life. After separating from history, biographies focus on the details of the personal life reflecting the character of the protagonist. Therefore, the above-mentioned details of Henry IV were generally not included in works on the history of France but in his biographies. Obviously, “Xian li hao di si” is a literary work centering on the life of its protagonist and aiming to provide a thematic life story. Thus, it can be seen as an independent modern biography, which is completely different from purely historical writing.

“Na po li weng” 拿破戾翁 [“Napoleon’s biography”] is the first modern Chinese biography serialized in the press. Before Gützlaff, Morrison had introduced the life of Napoleon, which had been included in French historical works.[33] Gützlaff introduced Napoleon in two special articles, including "Ba wang" 霸王[“Overlord”]and “Na po li weng” in Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan. The former is marked as "History,” juxtaposed with a large number of national history; the latter marked as "Sing Poo,” independent of national histories.[34]

Beginning with the background of the French Revolution in 1789, “Na po li weng” describes Napoleon’s legendary life from birth to death in chronological order. The work also includes anecdotes about his life, such as his marrying a widow and a princess from an enemy country.[35] On the whole, this is a complete and vivid biography. It is characterized by a clear description of the complex international relations between France and other countries, a detailed description of the most critical and important battles in Napoleon’s life, and a rich depiction of a hero with outstanding military talent. At the same time, the author also paid attention to the influence of Napoleon’s personality of traits, such as his energy, ambition, and greed for reputation during his life.

In terms of artistic expression, Gützlaff still absorbed some of the characteristics of Chinese novels, which gave his biography a certain fictional feature. For example, he borrowed the words of the Ming Dynasty historical novel Yushaobao cuizhong quan zhuan于少保萃忠全傳 [The Complete Biography of Yu Shaobao ]  to praise Yu Qian (1398–1457) to illustrate Napoleon's belief that "failure and success are only temporary experiences."[36] In short, this biography, which shaped the new image of the Napoleon successfully, was a type of character-centered life writing that differs from previous historical biographies that recorded history through protagonists.

From the perspective of the evolution of Chinese historical writing, biography as a genre has long existed since Sima Qian initiated it in the early Han dynasty. However, little innovation occurred in Chinese historical biographies after Shiji and Hanshu.Due to the long-term attachment of biographies to history, there is a lack of long biographies focused on life writing in ancient China.[37] However, the long-term stagnation of Chinese biography changed in the 1830s because Gützlaff had separated biographies from history and introduced modern Western biographies to China.

IV. Western Biography Entering China:Mixing the Respective Beauty

In fact, despite some attempts to localize in China, most of Gützlaff's Chinese biographies were not accepted by Chinese readers at the beginning of the 19th century because Gützlaff. never mastered the beauty of Confucian literature well.Gützlaff once admitted as much.

The Chinese, being an original people, have also formed their ideas of beauty, not from the classical taste of Western nations but from the best models of their own writers. Their notions are often repugnant to the rules of good style established by ourselves, we must at least admit, that their language, differing so much from ours, cannot adapt its structure to the elegant diction of our own. A comparison with the polished languages of Europe will always throw the Chinese into the shade; but when the language is viewed in itself, much will be discovered deserving of our unqualified admiration.[38]

Despite his Eurocentrism, Gützlaff not only accurately foresaw the impact that these biographical works would have when they entered the closed cultural environment of China but also put forward the idea of mixing the respective advantages of Chinese and Western literature. In order to acquire the best Chinese models of Chinese writers, he read popular litertature as well as confucian classics.Meanwhile,he employed a variety of Chinese assitants with different talents:Chirititan coverts,but also non-Chiristian and even Buddisit paractioners.[39]In spite of this,the readiness of Chinese to recieve of Gützlaff's message seems much less certain.However,Gützlaff conclude with typical optism: since random free distribution was the best one could do under current conditions,one should have the faith to cast bread upon the waters.[40]

The first person of the Chinese literati to come into contact with Gützlaff’s biographies was Liang Tingnan (1796–1861) after reading the Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan and Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan. In his Yesu nan ru zhongguo shuo 耶稣难入中国说 [Difficulty into China for Jesus] (1844), he noted that “this is based on the Xing lun yaolüe and Matthew.” Xing lun yaolüe is the abbreviation of Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan. Liang Tingnan had difficulty understanding their stylistic characteristics due to his different religious and literary background. He pointed out, “All the miracles of the Redeemer are only from hearsay after thousands of years. Even if everything is true, it is just a Chinese Taoist fantasy.”[41] Obviously, he tried to understand biblical biographies through the Taoist literature that he was familiar with. The story of King David in Yesu nan ru zhongguo shuo, derived from the “Da pi wang jinian” in Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan,was similarly questioned by Liang Tingnan on the basis of historical inference and his own religious knowledge. This challenge showed that Liang Tingnan had some understanding of the content of the biography but did not yet understand the stylistic features of Western biography due to the cultural gap between Chinese and Western biography.

By contrast, Gützlaff’s biblical biographies directly promoted the Chinese hagiographies that Protestant missionaries in China wrote. In August 1837, Theodsia Ann Baker, a female British missionary, stayed at Gützlaff’s home in Macao when she came to China. During that period, she wrote her only Chinese work Story of Elijah.[42] This biographical excerpt is from the "Old Testament," and she divided it into 16 chapters about the life story of Elijah, which was apparently and directly influenced by Gützlaff’s biographies of biblical figures. In Jindai xixue shumu tiyao, there were 75 biographies of biblical figures published from the late Ming Dynasty to the early Republic of China, and the earliest hagiography of a Protestant missionary is Gützlaff's Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan.[43] In other words, Gützlaff led the creation of biblical biographies in the late Qing dynasty. Taking Baoluo yanxing lu as an example, we can also see Gützlaff's influence on biblical biographies. In modern China, there have been at least 10 Chinese biographies of Paul,[44] in which the acquisition of materials, arrangement of chapters, and shaping of characters came from Gützlaff’s Baoluo yanxing lu. As a result, biblical biographies have been widely spread in the context of Chinese culture, enriching the types of Chinese biographies and gradually increasing Chinese people’s understanding of Christianity.

Compared to biblical biographies, Gützlaff’s historical and modern biographies have had a more significant effect on modern Chinese intellectuals’ political thoughts and ideas. For example, “Huashengdun yanxing zui lüe” 华盛顿言行最略 [“Life of Washington" 1838] had a great and direct influence on Xu Jiyu (1796–1873). As the earliest biographies of Washington in China, the main part of “Huashengdun yanxing zui lüe” narrates the life of George Washington, while the end of the text includes a commentary that sets the tone for the biography. The main part of the biography covering Washington’s childhood, education, career, relationships, family, and death, is mostly a chronological account of all the events in his lifetime. In this way, the biography constitutes a thematic life story instead of a historical record. In 1848, Xu Jiyu wrote an article about Washington in his book Yinghuan zhilüe瀛寰志略,which is basically an excerpt from “Huashengdun yanxing zui lüe.” At the end of the text, Xu Jiyu added a commentary on Washington, which refined and expanded the text of “Huashengdun yanxing zui lüe.”[45] Stylistically, “Huashengdun yanxing zui lüe” is still included in the historical narrative and thus cannot be considered as an independent modern biography. However, with the dissemination of his biography, the image of Washington spread widely in China, which changed the Chinese perception of Western politicians and even affected China's 1911 Revolution.[46]

In fact, Gützlaff’s biographical works gradually opened the door in China for Western biographies. In 1834, Gützlaff wrote,

We ought to conform our treatises to the dress in which they have clothed their own.In history,we have met excellent works which would not do dishonor to the Chinese, if they were translated into the western languages;

upon these we would fix as standard works, and imitate them as closly as possible in giving them the history of occidental world, together with allusions to the corresponding events in their own history.[47]

In 1835, Gützlaff advocated and established the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China and served as the Chinese secretary. In 1837, he proposed translating Western books, including history and biography, into Chinese.[48] After the Opium Wars, a large number of Westerners’ biographies began to appear in magazines and newspapers, and an increasing number of Chinese literati living in port cities had the opportunity to read biographies that differed from Chinese biographies. After the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894, an ever-large number of translations of biographies of Western historical figures were introduced into the Chinese literary context in order to provide the Chinese with an example of political, military, and social reforms. Guang xue hui 广学会[The Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese] was established in 1887 under the influence of Zaihua shiyong zhishi chuanbo hui在华实用知识传播会[the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China]. From 1887 to 1919, the organization published a total of 43 biographies, of which 20 were biographies of Christians, and 23 were of secular figures.[49] Among the biblical biographies, the Jidu benji 耶稣本纪[Benji of Christ] and Jidu zhuan基督传[the Life of Christ]have basically the same stylistic features as the four biographies of Jesus written by Gützlaff, including Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan (1834), Jiushizhu yanxing quan zhuan (1836), Yesu shenji zhi zhuan (1836), and Yesu jiangshi zhi zhuan (1836). Ouzhou ba da diwang zhuan 欧洲八大帝王传[The Life of European Eight Emperors] [50]was highly praised during the Reform Movement of 1898 because it narrated the deeds of eight great kings in Europe, including Alexander, Caesar, Napoleon and others who could set an example of reform for the Chinese. It is undeniable that Gützlaff introduced these eight emperors to China for the first time in Gujin wanguo gangjian and Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan.

As an advocate and practitioner of the literary revolution in the late Qing dynasty, Liang Qichao not only accepted the political enlightenment of Western historical figures but also the literary influence of Western biography. In “Ren de zhuanshi gailun"人的专史概论[“Introduction to Personal Specialized History,”], he pointed out,

In modern Europe and the United States, history and biography are divided into two subjects. All good historical works hide the actions of characters in events and rarely dedicate to write individual biographies, though individual biographies are still a very important part of historical works.

The biographies of individuals, such as Life of Lincoln and Life of Glanston, are very beautiful and moving to read. The biographies of many persons, such as Budaluchi’s Heroes which specifically recorded the great Greek heroes, have immortal value in European history.

Therefore, biographies are not only valued by Chinese, but also by people from other countries. When we write individual biographies, we should try to focus on individuals and examine how they are related in history.[51]

Liang Qichao also pointed out that biography and history had long been inseparable in China. More than 10 kinds of individual biographies cataloged in the "Miscellaneous Biography" of SuiShu were lost. Ci’en sanzang fashi zhuan 慈恩三藏法师传 [Biography of Monk Sanzang] the only existing biography published in the form of a book, could only be regarded as a crude collection of historical materials, rather than a well-organized individual biography. Xingzhuang行状 [biographies] written in Ming and Qing dynasties, could “only be used as materials for biographers and not be regarded as modern biographies.”[52]

Although no direct evidence proved that Liang Qichao had ever read Gützlaff's works, his views on biography, such as separating biography from history and focusing on the relation of individuals and history, were exactly in line with those of Gützlaff. In 1902, Liang Qichao wrote a Western-style biography for Li Hongzhang. He combined narratives with remarks while recording the character’s life and portrayed his image in a broad background in Li hongzhang zhuan. He claimed that Li Hongzhang zhuan was “a complete imitation of Western biography.”[53] Meanwhile, he also advocated inheriting Chinese ideas of beauty on biographical writing and the best models of biographers. In the preface of Li Hongzhang zhuan, he pointed out that the combination of narratives with remarks was a fine tradition created by Sima Qian and should continue in modern biographical writings.[54] Gützlaff once said, in China Opened, “Though there is much trash amongst them, there are various excellent productions, which every foreigner who wishes to write a good Chinese history ought to read.”[55] Comparing their statements and practices, Liang Qichao's biographical theory was exactly the same as Gützlaff’s, but he had gone further in practice.

The Encyclopedia Britannica also indicates that biography began to appear as an independent form that is evidently the result of Western influence in China at the beginning of the 20th century when Liang Qichao wrote a number of biographies and worked to promote its status as an art form.[56] In fact, Chinese biographical literature has gone through a process of integration of and transformation in China and the West from the 1830s to the 1900s. This process began with Gützlaff and was finally completed by Liang Qichao. Therefore, Gützlaff’s biographies should be taken into adequate account in the development of the literature on biography.

V. Conclusion

I have aimed to document the existence of Gützlaff’s three kinds of biographies as a factor for the introduction of Western biographies to China. Gützlaff’s main contributions to Chinese biography are (1) writing 12 Christian biographies, in which narrative was the most acceptable method; (2) introducing a large number of Western figures through historical biographies, in which historical figures were clothed in Chinese style; (3) separating the biography from history so that life writing gradually became the main form of biography; and 4) introducing modern Western biographical literature to China in the late Qing dynasty. These innovations promoted the integration of Chinese and Western biography and the modern transformation of Chinese biography.

注  释

[1] Jessie G. Lutz, “The Legacy of Karl Friedrich August Gützlaff,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 24, no. 3 (2000): 123-128.See also“Karl F. A. Gützlaff:missionary Entrepreneur” ,in Barnett, Suzanne W. & Fairbank, John K. ed.Chrisitianity in China:Early Protestant Missionary Writings.Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Univ. Press, 1985,pp.61-88. 

[2] I arrived at this number by counting the titles in Alexander Wylie’s catalogue and then adding Jiushizhu yesu jidu xinglun zhi yaolüe zhuan救世主耶稣基督行论之要略传[Gützlaff’s History of Jesus Christ] from the Harvard-Yenching Library.

[3] None of the articles published in Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan are signed. According to the editor's purpose, writing habits, tone, and so forth, it can be inferred that most of the articles are Gützlaff’s works.

[4] Scholars such as Jessie G. Lutz, Patrick Hanan, Zhuang Qinyong, Li Zipeng, Song Lihua have done good research on Gützlaff’s missionary writings, especially on the Chinese novels, but none of them have stduied his biographical works.

[5] American Tract Society, Eleventh Annual Report of the American Tract Society,New York: The Society's House, 1836, 96.

[6] “Biography,” Encyclopedia Britannica Online Academic Edition, https://www./art/biography-narrative-genre/Historical-development, accessed November 12, 2018.

[7] American Tract Society, Thirteenth Annual Report of the American Tract Society, New York: The Society's House, 1838, 133.

[8] 爱汉者Ai Han Zhe , 救世主耶稣基督行论之要略传Jiushizhu yesu jidu xinglun zhi yaolüe zhuan [History of Jesus Christ] (新嘉坡 [Singapore]: 坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1834), 1b, 3a, 5b, 8b.

[9] Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese: Giving a List of Their Publications, and Obituary Notices of the Deceased (Shanghae: America Presbyterian mission press,1867),56.

[10] 爱汉者Ai Han Zhe, 摩西言行全传 Moxi yanxing quan zhuan [Life of Moses] (新嘉坡 [Singapore]: 坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1836), 1a.

[11] 爱汉者 Ai Han Zhe. 圣书列祖全传Shengshu liezu quan zhuan [Bible Patriarchs] (新嘉坡[Singapore]: 坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1838), 6b, 14b.

[12] The Rev. Charles Gützlaff, China Opened; or, A Display of the Topography, History, Customs, Manners, Arts, Manufactures, Commerce, Literature, Religion, Jurisprudence, etc. of the Chinese Empire, London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1835,469.

[13] Shan De Zhe善德者,保罗言行录 Baoluo yanxing lu [Life of Paul] (新嘉坡[Singapore]: 坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1837), 4a, 23b–29b.

[14] American Tract Society. Thirteenth Annual Report of the American Tract Society (New York: The Society's House, 1838), 133.

[15] Ibid, 134.

[16] 爱汉者 Ai Han Zhe, 万国史传 Wanguo shizhuan [The General History], (London: British Library, date unknown), 1a.

[17] 黄时鉴Huang Shijian, ed. 东西洋考每月统记传 Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan [Eastern Western Monthly Magazine] (北京 [Beijing]: 中华书局 China Book Co., Ltd, 1997), 204–05.

[18] Plutarch普鲁塔克, 希腊罗马名人传Xila luona mingren zhuan [The live of the Noble Grecians and Romans], 黄宏煦,等译Huang Hongxu, al.(北京[Beijing]: 商务印书馆The Commercial Press, 1990), 186–83.

[19] 爱汉者Ai Han zhe, 古今万国纲鉴Gujin wanguo gangjian [Universal History], (新嘉坡 [Singapore]: 坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1838), 75b–76a.

[20] Gützlaff, China Opened, 429–30.

[21] 爱汉者Ai Han zhe, Wanguo shizhuan, 5a.

[22] 爱汉者Ai Han zhe, Gujin wanguo gangjian, 11.

[23] 黄时鉴Huang Shijian, ed. 东西洋考每月统记传 Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan [Eastern Western Monthly Magazine], 354–55.

[24] The Rev. Charles Gützlaff, "Remarks on the Yih-She, a Historical Work of the Chinese, in Fifty Volumes”, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland,3, no. 2, (1836): 272–86.

[25] 爱汉者Ai Han zhe, Gujin wanguo gangjian, 23a–24a.

[26] American Tract Society, Thirteenth Annual Report of the American Tract Society, 133.

[27] Ibid.

[28] “Chinese Biography.” Chinese Repository, vol. no.3 (1832): 107.

[29] Morrison, Robert. A Dictionary of the Chinese language: in three parts (Macao: East India Company Press, 1815) Vol. 1. 628.

[30] Gützlaff, China Opened, 431.

[31] “Biography,” Encyclopedia Britannica Online Academic Edition, https://www./art/biography-narrative-genre/Historical-development, accessed November 12, 2018.

[32] 黄时鉴 Huang Shijian, ed. 东西洋考每月统记传Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan [Eastern Western Monthly Magazine],381–82.

[33] 马礼逊 Morrison, 法蘭西國作變復平略傳 “Falanxi guo zuobian fu ping lue zhuan” ["A Biography of the Change and Recovery of the French"], 察世俗每月统记传Chinese Monthly Magazine 6 .Malacca: (1820):36a–40b.

[34] 黄时鉴Huang Shijian, ed. 东西洋考每月统记传Dong xi yang kao meiyue tongji zhuan [Eastern Western Monthly Magazine]: 262,281.

[35] Ibid., 304.

[36] 崔文东Cui Wendong,从撒旦到霸王──馬禮遜、郭實獵筆下的拿破崙形象及其影響Cong sadan dao bawang:Malixun、Guo shilie bixia de napolun xingxiang jiqi yingxiang [From Satan to Overlord:Napoleon's image and its influence in Morrison and Gützlaff],清华学报,Journal of Tsinghua University 45, no. 4 (December 2004): 631–664.

[37] 汪荣祖Wang Rongzu,史传通说:中西史学之比较Shizhuan tongshuo: Zhongxi shixue zhi bijiao [Shizhuan tongshuo: A Comparison of Chinese and Western Historiography], (北京[Beijing]: 中华书局 China Book Co., Ltd, 1989), 79.

[38] Gützlaff, China Opened, 410.

[39] Letters of Gützlaff,14 July 1828, Tomlin,Missionary Journals and Letters,. London: James Nisbet and CO., 1844,p218.

[40] Philosinensis(pseud.), “Christian missions in China”, Chinese Repository, vol.3. no.4 (1835): 568.

[41] 梁廷枏Liang Tingnan ,海国四说 Haiguo Sishuo [Four Books about Overseas Countries] (北京 [Beijing]: 中华书局 China Book Co., Ltd, 1993), 6, 11, 48.

[42] 伟烈亚力Alexander Wylie.1867年以前来华基督教传教士列传及著作目录1867nian yiqian laihua chuanjiaoshi liezhuan ji zhuzuo mulu [Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese: Giving a List of Their Publications, and Obituary Notices of the Deceased], 倪文君 Ni Wenjun 译 (桂林[Guilin]:广西师范大学出版社 Guangxi Normal university press, 2011), 93.

[43] 张晓Zhang Xiao,近代西学书目提要Jindai xixue shumu tiyao[Summary of the Catalogue of Modern Books on the West],(北京 [Beijing]: 北京大学出版社Peking University Publishing House, 2012), 73. Note: The correct Chinese title of Gützlaff's work should be 《救世主耶稣基督行论之要略传》 Jiushizhu yesu jidu xing lun zhi yaolüe zhuan [History of Jesus Christ].

[44] 张雅斐Zhang Yafei,,晚清保罗形象之演变:以郭实腊、安美瑞作品为例 “Wanqing baoluo xingxiang zhi yanbian: yi Guo Shila 、An Meirui zuopin wei li” [The Evolution of Paul's Image in the Late Qing Dynasty: Taking Gützlaff and Mary Andrews's Works as Examples], 《圣经文学研究》 Biblical Literature Studies 14, (北京 [Beijing]: 宗教文化出版社 Religious Culture Press, 2017), 192–209.

[45] 徐继畬Xu Jiyu , 瀛寰志略Yinghuan zhilüe [World Geography] (上海[Shanghai]: Shanghai Bookstore Publishing House, 2001),276. Note: Most scholars believed that Xu Jiyu’s introduction to Washington came from Elijah Coleman Bridgman’s Meilige heshengguo zhilüe 美理哥合省国志略 [Brief Geographical History of the United States of America, 1838]. As a matter of fact, it could be inferred from the comparison of words that Xu Jiyu mainly made a reference to the words of Gützlaff’s “Huashengdun yanxing zuilue.” In addition, Bridgman recorded Washington’s death in the fifth year in Jiaqing, while Gützlaff and Xu Jiyu recorded Washington’s death in the third year in Jiaqing. This fact also proved that Xu Jiyu mainly referred to Gützlaff’s rather than Bridgman’s work.

[46] 熊月之Xiong Yuezhi ,华盛顿形象的中国解读及其对辛亥革命的影响 “Huashengdun xingxiang de zhongguo jiedu jiqi dui xinhai geming de yingxiang” [A Chinese Interpretation of Washington's Image and Its Influence on the Revolution of 1911],《史林》History Review, no.1, (2012): 88–103.

[47] Philosinensis(pseud.), “The diffusion of knowlege in China.” Chinese Repository, vol.2. no.11 (1834): 509.

[48] The Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China, “Second Report of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China,” Chinese Repository, no.3(1837):510.

[49] 胡燕Hu Yan: 近代广学会译传出版及其诉求(1887–1819年) "Jin dai guangxuehui yizhuan chuban jiqi suqiu (1887–1919nian)" [Translation, Publishing and Appeal of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese in 1887-1819], 于《现代传记研究》 Xiandai zhuanji yanjiu [Modern Biography Research], 杨正润Yang Zhengrun编(北京 [Beijing], 商务印书馆The Commercial Press, 2017), 181–93.

[50]李提摩太Timothy,  Richard,  ed.  欧洲八大帝王传Ouzhou ba da diwang zhuan [The Life of European Eight Emperors] ,Shanghai:  The Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese, 1894.

[51] 梁启超Liang Qichao,中国历史研究法 Zhongguo lishi yanjiu fa [Research Method of Chinese History], (上海 [Shanghai] 上海人民出版Shanghai People's Publishing House,2014), 155.

[52] Ibid, 158.

[53] 梁启超Liang Qichao,李鸿章传 Li Hong zhang zhuan [Life of Li Hong zhang] (北京 [Beijing]: 中国华侨出版社China Overseas Publishing House,2013), 147.

[54] Ibid, 1.

[55] Gützlaff, China Opened, 429–30.

[56] “Biography,” Encyclopedia Britannica Online Academic Edition, https://www./art/biography-narrative-genre/Historical-development, accessed November 12, 2018.

参考文献

American Tract Society, Eleven Annual Report of the American Tract Society.New York: the Society's House, 1836.

American Tract Society.Thirteen Annual Report of the American Tract Society.New York: the Society's House, 1838.

Barnett, Suzanne W. & Fairbank, John K. ed. Chrisitianity in China:Early Protestant Missionary Writings.Cambridge, Mass: Harvard Univ. Press, 1985.

E.C.Bridgman and S.Wells Williams ed.Chinese Repository,20Vols.Macao or Canton,1832-1851.

Jessie G.Lutz, “The Legacy of Karl Friedrich August Gützlaff,”International Bulletin of Missionary Research 24,no.3(2000):123-128.

Morrison,Robert.A Dictionary of the Chinese languange:in three parts,Macao:East Inidia Company Press,1815.

The Rev. Charles Gützlaff, China Opened; or, A Display of the Topography, History, Customs, Mananers, Arts, Manufactures, Commerce, Literature, Religion, Jurisprudence, etc. of the Chinese Empire .London: Smith, Elder and Co., 1835.

The Rev. Charles Gützlaff, "Remarks on the Yih-She, a Historical Work of the Chinese, in Fifty Volumes”, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 3, no. 2, (1836),: 272-86.

The Society for Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China. “Second Report of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge in China”. Chinese Repository,no.3 1837.

Tomlin,Missionary Journals and Letters,. London: James Nisbet and CO., 1844.

爱汉者Ai Han Zhe , 救世主耶稣基督行论之要略传Jiushizhu yesu jidu xinglun zhi yaolüe zhuan [History of Jesus Christ] .新嘉坡 [Singapore]: 坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1834.

——.摩西言行全传Moxi yanxing quan zhuan [Life of Moses]. 新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1836.

——.耶稣神迹之传Yesu shen ji zhi zhuan [Miracles of Jesus].新嘉坡[Singapore]: 坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1836.

——.耶稣降世之传Yesu jiangshi zhi zhuan [Nativity of Christ]. 新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院 [Jianxia shuyuan], 1836.

善德者Shan De zhe.但耶利言行全传Danyeli yanxing quan zhuan[History of Daniel] .新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1837.

——.保罗言行录Baoluo yanxing lu[Life of Paul] .新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1837.

——.约翰言行录Yuehan yanxing lu[Life of John] .新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1837.

——.约色弗言行录Yuesefu yanxing lu[Life of Joseph] .新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1838.

——.圣书列祖全传Shengshu liezu quan zhuan[Bible Patriarchs] .新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1838.

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——.救世耶稣受死全传Jiushi yesu shou si quan zhuan[Narrative of the Death of Jesus the Savior] .新嘉坡[Singapore]:坚夏书院[Jianxia shuyuan], 1843.

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