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1 导读 "Meticulouslyreported, exquisitely written, and grippingly told, Say Nothing is a work ofrevelation. Keefe not only peels back, layer by layer, the truth behind one ofthe most important and mysterious crimes of a terrible conflict; he also excavatesthe history of the Troubles, and illuminates its repercussions to thisday."—DAVID GRANN, #1 New York Times bestselling author of Killers of theFlower Moon 巨细无遗的报道，精巧动人的文笔，娓娓道来的叙述，《保持沉默》是一部发人深省的作品。基夫（Keefe）在书中不仅仅对这一北爱尔兰冲突中最著名神秘的谋杀案背后真相进行了抽丝剥茧的披露，他还深刻发掘了北爱尔兰问题背后的历史，并阐明了这一问题对今天的深远影响。— 戴维·古兰 纽约时报畅销书第一名《花月杀手》作者书评。 2 听力|精读|翻译|词组  和平的代价 英文部分选自经济学人Books and arts版块 Violence and its aftermath 暴力与其后果 The price of peace 和平的代价 on a winter evening in 1972, a mother of ten, still recovering from her husband’s death, received a fateful visit to her high-rise flat in Belfast’s war zone. At least eight people, most of them masked but a couple recognisable as neighbours, marched her away. She was told she was being taken to a charity home for her own safety; she asked, pathetically, if her children could join her. In fact she was executed as a supposed informer. Her body was found on a beach in 2003. 1972年冬天的一个夜晚，在贝尔法斯特交战地带的一幢高层公寓里，一位十个孩子的母亲尚未走出失去丈夫的伤痛，灾难就接踵而至。至少有八个人突然闯入将她强行带走，虽然都蒙着面她还是认出其中一对夫妇正是她的邻居。她被告知为其安全考虑她将被带往一个慈善之家。这位母亲当时还可怜兮兮地询问是否可以带上她的孩子们一起；然而事实上，她是因涉嫌告密而被带去处死的。2003年，她的尸体在沙滩上被人发现。 Among the many stories told in dark detail in Patrick Radden Keefe’s new book on the Northern Irish conflict, the abduction of Jean McConville stands out. The 100-plus interviews he conducted included intense conversations with her offspring, who ended their childhoods in horrible institutions and now campaign for justice. Yet much of this masterly reportage empathetically evokes the militant republican world from which McConville’s killers came. Above all, it traces the relationships that emerged among leading republicans as the slums of Belfast slid into a many-sided war that debased everyone—relationships that soured after bombs gave way to politics in the 1990s. 在帕特里克·拉登·基夫（Patrick Radden Keefe）关于北爱尔兰冲突的新书中，讲述了很多这种充斥着阴暗细节的故事，但针对珍·麦康维尔（Jean McConville）的这起绑架案在这些故事中依然引人注目。作者进行的一百多次采访中，就包括和麦康维尔子女进行的几次严肃紧张的对话。由于母亲的死亡，他们的童年都只能在糟糕的福利机构里度过，现在他们正为这桩案子寻求公道。然而这部生动感人的报告文学并未在杀害麦康维尔的凶手所属的激进爱尔兰共和主义者群体中引起大量的同情。尤其重要的是，书中记录了贝尔法斯特的贫民区被卷入这场道德沦丧的多方面战争后，共和主义者高层内部关系的变化。这一关系随着20世纪90年代炸弹让位政治而逐渐恶化了。 The discerning skill with which Mr Radden Keefe gets inside these characters’ minds may unsettle some readers, but it is also his book’s strength. He shows how people who in peacetime might just have been strong-willed or colourful types came to condone or perpetrate the unspeakable. 基夫先生在书中展现的对人物内心鞭辟入里的洞见可能令读者心神激荡，但这也正是他这本书的力量所在。他展现了那些在和平时期只能说是意志坚强或个性鲜明的人，在混乱时期会纵容或犯下如此不可言喻的罪行。 The most memorable figure in this gallery is Dolours Price. She and her sister Marian were jailed in 1973 for planting bombs in London that injured 200 people and killed one. They went on hunger strike and secured a transfer to a Northern Irish jail. In their youth, the book notes, the sisters were popular, attractive figures around Catholic Belfast, dubbed the Crazy Prices after a discount store. They were radicalised after a civil-rights march was roughed up by thugs in 1969. 整本书中最令人难忘的人物要数多萝丝·普莱斯（Dolours Price）。1973年，她和她的妹妹玛丽安（Marian）在伦敦引爆炸弹，造成200人受伤1人死亡，并因此锒铛入狱。她们在狱中进行绝食抗议成功被转移至北爱尔兰监狱。书中写道，这对姐妹年轻时在贝尔法斯特天主教区是极受欢迎、很有魅力的人物，。被人们戏称为 “Crazy Prices”（取自一个著名折扣店品牌名）。1969年，在一场民权游行遭到暴徒袭击后，姐妹俩加入了激进分子行列。 Dolours fascinated many people, including Margaret Thatcher, who as prime minister studied the sisters’ case closely. And it was Dolours who, as she disclosed before succumbing to an overdose in 2013,drove McConville to her death. The squad waiting in the Irish Republic to fire the shots balked, so the execution had to be done by another trio: Dolours herself, who said she deliberately missed, plus two others, only one of whom she named.
The case long troubled her, Dolours revealed. It was not that she opposed punishing people who abetted the security forces, or doubted that McConville was an informer. (Mr Radden Keefe, after hearing many views, is more sceptical.) In her youth she favoured dumping informers’ bodies on the street, not making them vanish. But later she wondered whether McConville had to be killed at all: “What warrants death?” she mused in an interview with Ed Moloney, an Irish author, of which Mr Radden Keefe was shown a transcript. From that document, he makes his own deduction about who fired the fatal shot. 多萝丝透露，这件事情（参与麦康维尔的死刑执行）令她很长时间都感到心神不宁。 她并不反对惩罚那些协助安全部队的人，也不怀疑麦康维尔就是一名告密者。（基夫先生从他收集的各种消息来看，倒是对这一点颇有质疑）她年轻时支持把告密者的尸体扔在街头示众，而不是让他们秘密消失。 但后来她也开始自问为什么一定要杀死麦康维尔。“什么样的罪才必须绳之以死？”她在接受爱尔兰作家埃德·莫洛尼的采访时沉思道。；基夫本人看到了这次采访的一份笔录。根据这份笔录，基夫先生就谁开了致命一枪给出了个人推测。 Still, there was one matter on which Dolours and some others of her passionately republican bent harboured no doubt: the peace settlement that left Northern Ireland’s future to be settled democratically was a betrayal. As the book relates, another who felt that way was Brendan Hughes, perhaps the doughtiest bomber, arms-procurer and jail-breaker to emerge from republican Belfast in the 1970s. At one point, Hughes was close to Gerry Adams: the former a frontline fighter, the latter a cool strategist. But Hughes abhorred the peace Mr Adams helped broker in the 1990s. 尽管如此，多萝丝 和一些像她一样狂热的共和主义者都在一件事上深信不疑，即任何试图以民主方式决定北爱未来的和解都是一种背叛。正如书中所言，布兰登·休斯（Brendan Hughes）也持相同观点。在20世纪70年代，他足以称得上是贝尔法斯特共和军中最勇猛的投弹手，军火商以及越狱专业户。休斯与格里·亚当斯（Gerry Adams）一度交往密切，前者是一名前线战士，后者则是冷酷的战略家。但休斯对20世纪90年代由亚当斯出面调停而达成的和平协议深感憎恶。 People like Hughes and Dolours Price poured out their feelings in testimonials offered by veterans of the conflict that were stored at Boston College, with a promise they would remain sealed until their deaths. The Northern Irish police fought a legal battle to obtain some of those interviews, and it was on that basis that they arrested Mr Adams for several days in 2014. He was released without charge; he continues to deny that he was a member of the IRA or had anything to do with the abduction of McConville, which he condemns.
Armalite to ballot box 从阿玛莱特步枪到投票箱 This book’s most lasting achievement may lie not in its forensic analysis of the McConville saga but in the questions it raises about the Northern Irish settlement.As it chronicles, people were willing to endure and inflict terrible pain so long as a spirit of political maximalism prevailed: if Ireland could be united fast, the thinking went, all horrors could be redeemed. But Mr Adams saw that maximalism must stop;instead the republican interest lay in welltimed compromise. That was devastating for those who had suffered and killed. 这本书最深远的影响可能不在于它对麦康维尔事件的取证分析，而在于它对北爱和平进程提出的问题。正如书上记录的那样，当政治大于一切的时候，人们不仅愿意自我忍受，同时还会施与别人可怕的痛苦。这种政治至上主义认为只要能让爱尔兰迅速统一，那这些恐怖都是值得的可以得到救赎的。但亚当斯先生认为必须摒弃这种政治至上主义；相反，适时的妥协才符合共和主义者的利益。但是那些已经遭受痛苦和惨遭杀害的人却很难接受这一看法。 Veterans like Hughes and Dolours Price were especially dismayed by the manoeuvres of Mr Adams who, as they saw it, had once endorsed their methods but now feigned absent-minded detachment. Yet Mr Adams’s sheer versatility, as a ruthless advocate of war and a tough enforcer of peace, was indispensable to the settlement. The book quotes a British government report of 2015 which spells out this unpalatable trade-off frankly. Peace had held not because paramilitary groups had faded but because they, and those with influence over them, had survived—and could finally rein in the hotheads. 尤其是像休斯和多尔斯·普莱斯这样的资深斗士对亚当斯先生的和解方针深感失望。在他们看来，亚当斯曾经也是支持武装斗争的一员，但现在却一副与过去一刀两断的超然态度。然而，亚当斯先生既能充当一个无情的战争鼓吹者，又能做好一个和平的强硬执行者，这种多面能手对北爱和平进程来说是不可或缺的。这本书引用了英国政府2015年的一份报告，该报告坦率地阐述了这一令人不舒服的交易。和平之所以得以维持不是因为准军事组织彻底消失，而是因为它们和那些对其有影响力的人一起幸存了下来，并最终控制住了组织中的那些激进分子。 翻译组： Minjia, 健身小宝贝，挪威语大王 Frank，男，小硕，经济学人的死侍 Sinyar，女，理性乐观派，爱音乐爱英语爱深海 校核组： Nikolai，男，小硕, science追随者 Helga，女，笔译民工，经济学人爱好者 Yuki，女，非英专准大三,自学通过CATTI二笔 Alex,男，工科研究生，文学与科学爱好者，经济学人忠实读者 3 观点|评论|思考 本次观点由Cindy独家奉献 Cindy，女，未来外贸工，TE粉 在与民族分离主义相结合的恐怖主义活动中,历史最久而又最典型的就是北爱尔兰的恐怖主义活动，也就是本文所说的北爱问题。 北爱尔兰问题由来已久。早在12世纪,盎格鲁—诺曼人就入侵了爱尔兰。之后,英国大量移民,但终未使爱尔兰人同化。英国殖民主义统治所种下的民族矛盾苦果,至16世纪宗教改革后因加入宗教矛盾而更趋恶化。1529年英国议会通过一系列宗教改革方案。1534年英国正式宣布与罗马天主教分离。自此以后,爱尔兰的英国移民改信以英国国王为教会最高首脑的英国国教,而爱尔兰人坚持信仰原有的天主教,从而使双方的矛盾和冲突进一步加剧。 至20世纪初,爱尔兰人民的起义迫使英国允许南部26郡独立，但新教势力占优势的北部6郡仍留在英国治内。新教的北爱尔兰地方政府对天主教爱尔兰人长期推行歧视性社会、经济政策以及拒绝分权,导致民族冲突再次爆发。1969年,一个准军事性质的激进组织爱尔兰共和军成立,目标是使英国政府放弃对北爱尔兰的统治,实现爱尔兰的南北统一,为此不惜采取暴力恐怖活动。其中的爱尔兰共和军临时派等极端组织,则主张“用枪和炸弹”实现目标。他们四处出击,在英国各地实施爆炸、劫持、暗杀等恐怖活动。 而新教也在1971年成立准军事组织北爱尔兰防卫协会,在“以恐怖对付恐怖主义者”的口号下,常实施针对爱尔兰人的暴力活动。宗教在北爱冲突中的作用和影响非常突出。新教和天主教教会中的极端势力在冲突中,尤其是20世纪60年代末至80年代初,一直起着推波助澜和指导性作用。双方的社团生活和教育至今仍是分离的。 总而言之，北爱的和谈进程一直坎坷曲折, 双方在解除武装和建立新教—天主教联合政府的问题上矛盾尖锐。为结束恐怖主义活动,爱尔兰、美国和欧盟等国际力量及双方教会,也都介入北爱问题的解决。两派经过长期反复的谈判,终于达成一种各方可以基本接受的框架。1998年和平协议的签署和联合自治政府的成立,预示着北爱尔兰两大族群从此步入对话与合作的轨道,尽管今后还会遇到困难和挫折,但制止恐怖主义的努力还是取得了成功。 感谢本次思维导图作者 4 愿景 小组 现有经济学人讨论群一个,如果您也有兴趣，可联系小编WeChat : foxwulihua。点击下方图片进行小程序打卡。 |
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